La quintaesencia cadiz license#

Mondones, who appears to have had no medical training, is named as a ‘merchant’ in legal documents, and we shall use that term here. The first goal is to show how unstable categories can be paradoxically used to reveal a clear and consistent vision of extra-academic practice. Starting with historical context and moving towards the specific case study, the article has three goals in mind. Mondones’s spirited legal defence reveals how he functioned in conjunction with, not in opposition to, the discourses and methods of legal and medical authorities who ultimately supported his endeavours. 5 This study will add to the richness of recent scholarship by presenting in its second half the case of Guido Mondones, an Italian merchant prosecuted for not paying tax while selling medical petroleum that he had brought over from his home region of Modena.

La quintaesencia cadiz license#

Most recently, María Luz López Terrada and Carolin Schmitz have done this in the context of those who ‘acquired their knowledge of cures in an irregular manner were forced to use other means to construct their identity and recognition as medical practitioner, that is to say, obtain a social license for healing’. 4 Minuzzi’s article proves that while the permeability between academic and extra-academic practice can cause some confusion, both then and now, studying early modern attempts at clarification can offer great insight into the diverse legal, economic and social systems in operation. 3 Sabrina Minuzzi nicely lays out two models employed by other scholars for making more subtle distinctions, either ‘core-versus-penumbra’ or ‘medical marketplace’, while she also explains how each model requires its own refinement. At the same time, from the start, it is not always easy to disentangle one camp (‘academic’) from another (‘extra’), especially as the absolute distinctions between the two have been ‘deconstructed’ over time. 2 This present article aims to contribute to a thriving scholarship that has grown over the last two decades and which continually seeks finer distinctions between the many categories of extra-academics. In 2002, María Luz López Terrada noted that ‘medical historiography has paid scant attention to these other medicines’. Extra-academics were not medical professionals, not physicians, surgeons or apothecaries, since all of those underwent a regulated and controlled form of training. The term ‘extra-academic medicine’ is a calque of the Spanish phrase ‘medicina extraacadémica’, an imperfect term meant to include those whose practice was not based on traditionally academic galenic principles. It is therefore useful to discover and elucidate real cases that are specifically ‘non-hegemonic, temporary, fluid and even unstable’, including cases in which the acceptance of extra-academic practice by contemporary academics functioned to dissolve or elide certain hierarchies. This persistent binarism, whether it oscillates or not, is reinforced by an imbalance between an abundance of printed academic medical sources, on one hand, and less accessible examples of extra-academic practice, on the other. Instead, it is necessary to have a broad understanding of the medical cultures operative in specific locales at particular times … 1 Reducing early modern Spanish medical history to an oscillating binary (academic medicine falls while extra-academic medicine rises) is not the answer. In light of this, we believe it to be necessary to interrogate the way historians have generally constructed medical hegemonies and hierarchies in order to make room for conceptualizations of order that may be non-hegemonic, temporary, fluid, and even unstable.

In 2014, the editors of Medical Cultures of the Early Modern Spanish Empire warned that:Īcademic medicine was not the predominant or most pervasive medical culture in the early modern Spanish empire.